Estonia was viewed as a “model pupil” prior to its EU accession in 2004 and it has largely maintained this reputation as a member state, writes Piret Ehin. The country has proven to be a reliable partner for other EU states and has led by example on issues such as the war in Ukraine and the EU’s digital transformation.
Estonia joined the EU in 2004 in order to return to the West, cement its place among free and prosperous nations, and make sure it would be “never alone” again when faced with serious external threats. After accession, the small Baltic nation has, in contrast to several other East European member states, pursued maximum levels of integration, joining Schengen in 2007 and the Eurozone in 2011.
Acclaimed as a “top student in the EU class” in the late 1990s and early 2000s, Estonia has not strayed from this path: it is a stable democracy with solid institutions that ranks among the top ten in the world in terms of rule of law and among the 15 least corrupt countries globally. It has high levels of economic freedom and a strong track record of transposing and implementing EU law.
A stronger voice and improved quality of life
Politically, EU membership has amplified the small nation’s voice and influence in European and international affairs. The country held the presidency of the Council of the EU in 2017 – six months earlier than planned, due to the need to step in for the UK after the Brexit referendum.
The main achievements of the Estonian presidency included wrapping up negotiations on climate, energy and the environment, forging agreements on employment and social policy, and elevating digital issues to the EU’s agenda. EU membership has granted Estonia a seat at various international negotiating tables, broadened the scope of its foreign policy, and helped it cope with the series of crises that have hit Europe since 2008-2009.
Over the last 20 years, Estonia has become much richer and the country’s quality of life has improved markedly. GDP per capita and average monthly salaries have quadrupled since 2004. EU membership has boosted trade, and billions of euros of EU funding from Structural, Cohesion and other funds have been used to build roads, hospitals and public buildings, as well as to boost innovation, competitiveness and rural development. Over 9 billion euros were invested in Estonia under the European Structural and Investment Funds between 2004 and 2020.
Estonian society has become much safer, orderly and regulated. The country’s homicide rate in 2021 was only a tenth of what it was in the mid-1990s, and about a fifth of the levels recorded at the time of EU accession. The road fatality rate has been halved since EU accession – despite the number of cars in Estonia nearly doubling during the same period. Infant mortality has decreased 3.5 times over the two decades and is now among the lowest in the world.
After a half-century behind the Iron Curtain, Estonians have greatly appreciated the new-found freedom to travel. While during the first decade of membership, free movement of labour led to high emigration rates, the trend has since been reversed, as quality of life in Estonia has improved. Since 2015, the net migration rate for Estonia has been positive.
A team player
Developments in Estonian party politics mirror European and international trends. Contestation between liberal and conservative forces has intensified. Populist, far-right and Eurosceptic politicians have become increasingly prominent in Estonian politics, especially since the 2015 migration crisis.
The radical-right Estonian Conservative People’s Party (EKRE) won 7 seats in the Estonian 101-member parliament in 2015. Following the 2019 general election, the party held nearly a fifth (19) of all seats in the parliament and became a junior partner in a coalition government led by the Centre Party. The 2023 general election was won by the liberal Reform Party, and EKRE remained in opposition, with 17 seats in the Riigikogu. Following years of stalemate, Estonia legalised same sex marriage in 2023, becoming the second Eastern European member state (after Slovenia) to do so.
In terms of Estonia’s impact on EU institutions and policymaking, Estonia has been a constructive and, overall, well-behaved member state. With an integrationist outlook and a strong track record in terms of compliance with the acquis, Estonia wants to be seen as a team player.
In policymaking, Estonia has led by example in the realm of e-government and digital public services. Boasting one of the most developed e-governments in the world, Estonia has tried to speed up digital transformation in the EU and in other member states. Estonia’s priorities include the development of e-services (including cross-border ones), databases, infrastructures, digital identities, cybersecurity standards and building the EU’s digital single market.
Estonia and Russia
In foreign and defence policy, Estonia, together with Latvia, Lithuania and Poland, has long been vocal about the threat posed by Russia, and has opposed returning to business as usual after Russia’s significant transgressions since 2008. While Estonia had, for decades, systematically sought to diminish its energy, trade and infrastructural dependence on Russia, and repeatedly warned its European partners about the dangers inherent in Nordstream 1 and 2, it watched with growing concern as Germany made Faustian bargains with the Kremlin under the spell of cheap gas and a misconceived notion of Wandel durch Handel.
While recognising many European countries’ naivety towards Russia, Estonia’s leaders have refrained from openly bashing the West for misreading Russia. East-West tensions, however, have occasionally been on display, as Estonian leaders, including President Toomas Hendrik Ilves and Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, have decried the near-absence of East Europeans in top EU positions.
Estonia is a firm supporter of further EU enlargement. It is also one of the Union’s staunchest supporters of Ukraine, both in terms of clarity of vision and message, as well as in terms of the military, economic and humanitarian aid provided, relative to GDP. Estonia supports Ukraine’s integration into the EU and NATO, stands for holding war criminals accountable and isolating Russia in international organisations, and seeks to ramp up international economic sanctions to reduce Russia’s ability to wage war.
Public support for the EU in Estonia increased steadily during the first few years of membership and has, overall, remained high. According to a series of surveys commissioned by the Government Office of Estonia, 84% of respondents in 2023 supported Estonia’s membership of the EU, and 86% supported membership of the Eurozone.
The values most frequently associated with the EU are peace, human rights and democracy. However, compared to other nations, Estonians seem to have a rather low sense of efficacy and ownership – more often than not, they think that their individual voice and their country’s voice does not count in the EU. Each instance of major Russian aggression towards its neighbours (2008, 2014, 2022) has boosted support for the EU in Estonia.
Defying stereotypes
In many ways, Estonia defies stereotypes about Eastern European member states, as well as post-Soviet countries. It is a consolidated democracy with stable institutions, a strong rule of law, comparatively low levels of corruption, strong compliance with EU law and a reputation for being a “results-oriented member state”.
Having undergone a remarkable political and economic transformation since the early 1990s, Estonia has re-established close ties with its Nordic neighbours. By collaborating with the Nordic-Baltic coalition of nations, it can enhance its impact and actively participate in shaping decisions within the European Union.
The fear, harboured by opponents of EU enlargement in the old member states, that accession conditionality would wear off and Eastern European member states would stop complying with EU rules has certainly not materialised in the case of Estonia. What has materialised instead is the dark foresight of Estonia’s elites about the likely return of Russian imperialism and aggression.
Estonia’s determination and sense of urgency about joining the EU and NATO stemmed from recognition that the historical window of opportunity for joining western structures could be short-lived, and missing the opportunity could have dire, even fatal consequences. Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine has vindicated this pessimism and has made the difference between the East European “ins” and “outs” painfully clear.
The ongoing war has reinforced Estonia’s self-perception as a frontier nation and the last outpost of Europe. For the foreseeable future, Europe – and the rule-based world order – ends at Estonia’s increasingly tightly guarded eastern border. Not surprisingly, foreign, defence and security policy issues top the Estonian government’s EU policy priorities list for 2023-2025.
Focused on supporting Ukraine in every way, Estonia’s objectives include further isolating Russia, strengthening the transatlantic relationship and collective defence in NATO, building closer ties between the EU and the UK, bolstering crisis resilience in the EU and accelerating preparations for EU enlargement.
This article is part of a series organised by Eli Gateva on Rethinking Europe’s East-West Divide – 20 Years since the Big Bang Enlargement.
Note: The research in this article has received support from the European Commission under grant agreement 101085795. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them. This article gives the views of the author, not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics. Featured image credit: Wirestock Creators / Shutterstock.com
